In 1973, the Arab oil embargo terrified the Western world. Governments scrambled to secure crude reserves, and the word "energy sovereignty" entered the policy lexicon. What few noticed at the time was that the real leverage was already moving downstream. The nations with oil felt powerful. The nations with refineries felt the power. By the time the Saudis realized their crude was being refined into petrochemicals in Europe and the US at massive margin, it was too late to reverse the flow.
The semiconductor industry is replaying that movie. This time the chokepoint is advanced packaging — specifically TSMC's CoWoS technology — and it is sold out through the end of 2026. The nations pouring billions into fabs are about to find out what the Saudis learned in 1973: controlling manufacturing is not the same as controlling the supply chain.
The policy consensus of the last five years has been clear: control the fabs, control the future. The US CHIPS Act, the EU Chips Act, Japan's RAPIDUS project, India's semiconductor push — all are built on the same premise that the fab is the chokepoint, and whoever builds it wins. Governments are pouring hundreds of billions into silicon fabrication on exactly the theory that controlling manufacturing controls everything.
That theory is becoming obsolete. And the consequences for where the money is flowing will be uncomfortable.
The shift has happened faster than most expected. "AI used to be thought of as associated with a GPU," AMD CTO Mark Papermaster told EE Times. "But over the last year, it has become clear that you need extensive computation across a much broader system." The system now spans CPUs, GPUs, specialized accelerators, memory, storage, and networking — working together to support increasingly complex workloads. Control of individual components is no longer sufficient. What matters is how they are integrated into functioning systems.
At the center of this shift is advanced chip packaging — specifically, the technology that connects multiple dies, memory stacks, and specialized components into a single high-performance module. The leading approach is TSMC's CoWoS (Chip-on-Wafer-on-Substrate), which co-integrates logic chips and High Bandwidth Memory on a silicon interposer. Without CoWoS, an NVIDIA Blackwell GPU is not a product — it is a box of dies. The same applies to AMD's MI350 and most other leading AI accelerators.
CoWoS capacity is sold out through 2026. TSMC is scaling from roughly 35,000 wafers per month in late 2024 to a projected 130,000 wafers per month by the end of this year — nearly a fourfold increase in under two years. That growth rate should sound extraordinary. It is not enough. NVIDIA has already reserved the majority of available CoWoS capacity, leaving competitors scrambling for what remains.
Google has reportedly revised its 2026 Tensor Processing Unit production target downward — Forbes reported on April 23 that the company now expects approximately 4.3 million units for the year — specifically because it cannot secure sufficient CoWoS packaging. The company's TPUs work. The silicon yields. The bottleneck is the step that happens after the chip is fabbed, and that step is concentrated in Taiwan.
Chris Miller, the Tufts historian whose book "Chip War" became the closest thing the semiconductor industry has to a foundational text, frames the shift this way: "If you dig into supply chains, what you will find is that many of the most vulnerable chokepoints are actually in the subcomponents and the materials," he told EE Times. The materials he is talking about are not the finished chips — they are the gases, chemicals, components, and processes that make chip manufacturing possible in the first place. These inputs are produced by a small number of suppliers, often in concentrated geographies, and their strategic importance is high precisely because they can be disrupted or weaponized with little warning.
Miller argues that the current framing of chip sovereignty — which equates sovereignty with fab count — misunderstands where the industry actually stands. "Europe is a very strong player in some highly important and highly profitable parts of the semiconductor ecosystem," he told EE Times. "Policymakers often look and say there is not a lot of advanced fabrication; therefore, it is a weak ecosystem. In fact, I think the opposite conclusion is true." Europe holds critical chokepoints in semiconductor tools — most notably ASML, whose extreme ultraviolet lithography machines are required for any leading-edge fab — and in specialty materials that no other region can replicate at scale. The United States working with Europe on export controls over ASML equipment keeps China from reaching the frontier more effectively than any domestic fab subsidy.
The irony is that several US policy moves may be making the problem worse. The CHIPS Act funds fabrication. It does not meaningfully fund advanced packaging. Fabs built in Arizona will still ship their dies to Taiwan for CoWoS packaging — unless an alternative emerges. Intel, for its part, is emerging as an unexpected beneficiary. Its EMIB and Foveros packaging technologies are not direct replacements for CoWoS in raw performance terms, but they are mature enough to handle AI inference ASICs, and chipmakers manufacturing logic at TSMC's Arizona facility are already exploring Intel's Rio Rancho, New Mexico facility for domestic packaging. This is not a planned outcome of US industrial policy. It is an accident of TSMC's capacity constraints.
ASE Group and Amkor, the world's two largest outsourced semiconductor assembly and test companies, are also benefiting. TSMC has begun outsourcing some packaging steps to both firms to relieve its backlog. ASE projects its own advanced packaging sales will double in 2026. These are not glamorous companies. They are the refinery operators of the AI era.
The geopolitical implications are not subtle. If packaging is the real chokepoint, then a nation that achieves domestic chip fabrication still has a gap in its supply chain — unless it also builds domestic packaging capacity. That capacity takes years to develop and requires different engineering expertise. The US and Europe are spending heavily on fabs and essentially ignoring the packaging layer that makes those fabs useful. The result, if the current trajectory holds, is that in five years the US will have domestic fabs producing chips it still cannot package domestically, shipped to data centers that remain dependent on a supply chain the US does not control.
Papermaster's point is worth dwelling on. The AI industry has not merely discovered a new technology — it has discovered that the technology stack is the product. The chip is necessary. The integration is what determines competitive outcome. Memory bandwidth, packaging density, thermal management, the connections between chiplets, the software that orchestrates workloads across heterogeneous compute — these are where the actual differentiation lives, and these are the places that receive a fraction of the policy attention that fab construction receives.
The OPEC analogy is imperfect — oil is a consumable commodity, while chips are engineered components with longer product cycles and more complex supply chains. But the structural lesson holds: the chokepoint is not always where the policy attention is focused, and when it moves, the nations that noticed earliest and repositioned fastest end up with the leverage.
Nations pouring billions into fabs while the real battle is fought in packaging and system integration should feel a sense of déjà vu. The 1973 embargo taught producing nations that reserves were not enough to capture value — they needed downstream control. The semiconductor industry is teaching the same lesson to consuming nations in slow motion, and this time the downstream is advanced packaging, memory bandwidth, and the software that ties it all together.
The difference is that this time, the policy community has read "Chip War." Whether it absorbed the right lessons is a separate question.